There’s a bad precedence that was set in 2007, when President Kibaki rigged elections in broad daylight – a scenario that has been echoed since then. The hypothetical thinking that Kingmakers and Kings in the making never live to become Kings is a common phenomenon in most countries South of Sub-Saharan Africa and North of River Limpopo.
The truth is that Kingmakers make many enemies, immediately elections are complete and new administrations always experience competing interests between Kingmakers and the blue-eyed boys. The equilibrium to balance the two antagonizing sides is to try by all means to clip the wings of the Kingmaker. Kings always visualize Kingmakers as a threat, and they deploy all means of endevoring to clip their active wings.
Since the attainment of independence, Kenya has had quite a number of Kingmakers who were in the long run frustrated by the regimes they ardently supported. At independence, Oginga Odinga refused to take the position of Prime minister, lest Mzee Jomo Kenyatta was released. True to his words, Kenyatta was released and took over as the first Prime Minister, subsequently becoming the first President of Kenya. Whatever happened after, was an act of betrayal that Odinga lived to regret.
When Moi took over as the President, it was Njonjo who supported him. The constitutional amendments that made it possible for Moi to take over as Kenya’s President was Njonjo’s brainchild. Later on, in 1982 after the aborted coup, Njonjo was wrongfully charged of treason.
In 2002, the indomitable scion of Jaramogi supported Kibaki with his strong phrase of “Kibaki tosha’ taking a place in the annals of Kenya’s history. What happened to Raila in 2007 will remain as the lowest point of his political history. He was denied his victory in broad daylight – an act that made this country to burn. The political heat was so severe that forced Kenya to seek for international mediation. The Koffi Annan led team brokered peace that led to the sharing of power between Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga.
The question is, when will Kingmakers make it to Presidency? Will William Ruto be able to debunk this myth? It is a wait to see – 2022 isn’t that far.
It is piteous and regretful that the international community failed to acknowledge Kenya’s President elect. It portends that something isn’t right with the way in which the elections were held. Majority of Kenya’s failed to participate in a process whose results had already been predetermined by the IEBC servers.
Kenyans should be wary of tougher times ahead
President Uhuru ’s last term in office will be characterized with blatant pillaging of the public coffers, social-economic injustices, and increased taxation to finance the impending deficit, reduced foreign investment among other shortcomings that result from an autocratic and despotic regime.
It should be recalled that President Kenyatta will follow the same footsteps of his immediate predecessor during his second term. Kibaki’s second term, unlike his first term, was characterized with rampant corruption. During his first term, Uhuru failed to tame graft in his government and claimed that his hands were tied. Now that he is in his final lap, and given the fact that he will never seek votes again, what do we expect of him?
Lots of unanswered questions beckon the tough signals that the scion of Jomo is not so keen with the progressiveness of this country, other than satisfying his own ego. He is controlled under the whims of wielding militarized powers. Ever asked your conscience, why he occasionally wears military fatigue? Why is it that there were so many police patrolling the City center at the eve of result announcement?
Indeed, Kenya’s presidential elections were a sham and did not meet the international standards of free, fairness and credibility tests. The IEBC chair was somehow biased in favour of the government, and that is why the indomitable scion of Jaramogi withdrew from the race.
It is beyond shadow of reasonable doubt that the figures that were streaming live from the bomas of Kenya were far above the actual number of those people who turned out to vote.
The third liberation struggle in Kenya draws its origin from the time when the narrative that you can’t unseat a sitting President through the ballot became a reality – a battle that begun soon after the 2007 elections. The second liberation struggle was won with its major achievement being the repeal of the contentious section 2(A) of the Kenya constitution.
Nevertheless, our full liberation is yet to be over. The same chameleon that our liberation heroes were fighting for changed its colour and turned to hound those who fought for it. Some became victims, while the esoteric few who had, hitherto, hidden in their tribal cocoons became the major beneficiaries.
Repeat elections were shambolic
The just concluded repeat Presidential Elections has left many Kenyans more divided than before. In essence out of the 19.687 million registered voters, only less than 5 million Kenyans turned out to vote on 26th October 2017. The shambolic repeat elections should not have been conducted, owing to much political tension that was threatening the whole exercise. Speculations were rife of voter apathy owing to the withdrawal of one of the key Presidential candidate. It has come to pass that close to a third of the registered voters participated, leaving scores of others disenfranchised due to complains raised by their preferred candidate, notwithstanding the threat posed to those who braved the risk to vote.
History of the second liberation struggle
KANU dictatorship and authoritarianism was met with resistance from able-minded Kenyans who wanted change. Masinde Muliro, Oginga Odinga, Ahmed Bamahriz, Martin Shikuku, James Orengo, Ken Matiba, Charles Rubia, George Anyona among many other Kenya leaders waged war against the injustices of the government of the day and pressurized it to legalize political pluralism.
Political imprisonment of some of them hardened the rest to pursue their cause. Freedom of Assembly which was a right for every Kenyan had been deprived.
The struggle for liberation in Kenya has been a long process. Our liberation heroes have been through hell and back in the course of their struggle. Many people lost their lives- just because they were against the status quo; others were incarcerated, while fighting for a just society. Just like the independence struggle, the second liberation struggle was characterized with brutality and subjection to inhumane conditions.
The positive aftermath of the second liberation struggle was the amendment of the constitutional provision that restored multi-party democracy in Kenya. Kenyans were allowed to choose the President of their choice through the secret ballot. The year 1992 will go down the annals of Kenya’s history as the year when Kenyans were allowed, for the first time, to vote for a President of their choice – a trend that was to recur after every five years.
Tofauti baina ya Jubilee na wakenya wa kawaida ni kama usiku na mchana. Hao wanakula nyama na wakenya wa kawaida wanameza mate. Au namna gani?
Jamani wakenya wataerevuka lini? Wakisema hao ni ma hustler ni kejeli kubwa kwa wakenya. Uchaguzi mbaya, uongozi mbaya. Gharama ya maisha imepanda. Bei ya bidhaa muhimu ni ghali mno. Sukari ni dhahabu, bei ya unga iko juu na maziwa nayo imekuwa shida kupata. Nauliza serikali ya Jubilee kama wanajali maisha ya wakenya mbona wanatuchezea shere ili tufadhili kampeni zao. Wamepora vya kutosha na hawatosheki, kwani matumbo yao ni saizi ipi? Tunajua mmiliki wa kampuni mbili kubwa za maziwa ni raisi na mbona asiwe na huruma kwa Wakenya. Serikali ya Jubilee haina budi kufunganya virago kwasababu wameshindwa kuithibiti nchi. Uchumi ya nchi imedhorora.